My
train ride back home from Washington, D.C., was unusually long, due to an
overnight I ended up making in New York City so that a) I could stay for as
much of the Words Beats & Life Teach-In as possible and b) my husband would
not have to pick me up in Albany (an hour's drive from our home) at 2 a.m. The
upshot was that I left DC on a 10 p.m. train, traveled north with stops in
Baltimore, Philadelphia, Trenton, and Newark, and arrived at New York City's
Penn Station at 2 a.m. My train to Albany wasn't scheduled to depart until 7:15
a.m., which meant that I had five hours in New York City.
I
probably would have headed out to walk the streets of Manhattan if I hadn't
been encumbered with a shoulder bag that sort of doubles awkwardly as a purse
and briefcase, and if I hadn't been bone tired. I found out later that a rally
against the Zimmerman verdict in Times Square might still have been occurring
at 2 a.m. If I'd known that, I would have headed out for sure.
Instead,
I holed up in the Amtrak waiting lounge, and continued to read a book I had
brought with me to read on the train: Bengali Harlem, a new history of some of
the earliest immigrants from the Indian subcontinent to the United States. The
study by Vivek Bald documents what is known of a group of Indian seamen and
merchants who traversed the American coasts in the 1880s, entering the country
sometimes through Ellis Island and sometimes through other, more underground
means. Some of these seamen settled in Spanish Harlem (the site of Popmaster
Fabel's documentary on his experience of moving from gang participation to
hip-hop), after marrying women of Mexican descent.
I
was looking forward to reading this book because Bald had presented some of his
preliminary material at an academic conference I attended a few years back. The
stories he told in the presentation fascinated me because they opened up a new
dimension of the historic presence of South Asians in the U.S. The book itself,
however, has been a bit of a letdown in its first few chapters. I feel that
Bald is trying too hard to force his readers into a narrative that continually
ponders what life might have been like for these seafaring immigrants who in
the United States were confronted simultaneously with images of Indian
exoticism and racial segregation. Most of the individuals in the United States
who had emigrated from Asia were subjected in the late 1890s through 1940s to
the same restrictive segregation policies designed to keep African Americans
"in their place." The climate of racial hostility during those decades was such that many
immigrants from Asia essentially masked themselves out of America's history.
They changed names, kept a low profile, and often began to affiliate more with
the Chicano, Spanish, Black, and creole communities that they married into. As
a result, primary documents that might help one gain more of an insight into
the lives of such individuals are sparse, at best. There also were very few
memoirs or autobiographies published during that time. The strength of Bald's book,
in fact, is in his assertion that the group of immigrants about whom he writes
is, in a sense, a disappeared community. We can't really imagine what life was
like because we have very little material to feed our imaginations with in this
case. The immigrants, in some ways, wanted that secrecy, because the less that
the mainstream world knew about them, the safer they would be in terms of how
they lived and traversed the globe.
Considering
this thought led me to ask the question: What is the value of knowing the
history of a people with whom you affiliate, of a people who came before you?
Those questions, I feel, are highly germane to hip-hop, and help explain why
veteran members of the hip-hop community emphasize the need always to know the
history of the movement. Knowing the history -- with all of its seamy
undersides -- gives one a sense, perhaps, that they are not alone.
At
the weekend teach-in, one participant after another remarked in both public
acknowledgements and private conversations how grateful they were to learn
about hip-hop's pioneers and how the movement started. The reasons for the
gratitude varied, but they often constellated around an idea of growing up
without role models and, as a result, a sense of being alone. It struck me that
hip-hop history presents a rare opportunity to historians, which is to write
histories while most of the key pioneers of the movement are still alive. The
history that the pioneers tell is inconsistent and bumpy, but that's the real
life of history. It is not a coherent unfolding; rather, it's a messy parchment
of debate, argumentation, seemingly disparate facts, and sometimes tedious
detail.
I
first learned that persons of Indian ancestry had settled in the United States
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century from a paper written by Nitasha
Sharma, who is now a professor at Northwestern University. Then, she was an
undergraduate and had written the paper. I met her parents – Jagdish and Mimi
Sharma – while I was at the University of Hawai‘i on a one-year mid-career
fellowship for journalists that ultimately stretched into 11 years and a master’s
and doctoral degree. Jagdish was teaching the History of India, and I was
taking his class. After I expressed surprise that there had been Indians in the
U.S. before the 1960s, he gave me a copy of his daughter’s paper.
Over
the years, my knowledge of the early history of Indian immigrants in the U.S.
deepened. I learned about Swami Vivekananda’s heralded address to the World
Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893, as well as the race riots that
erupted in Bellingham, Washington, in 1904 and involved a number of Indian émigrés
working in lumber camps, the now-seven generation strong Punjabi Mexican
communities in the Imperial Valley of California, and the radical Ghadar Party
that fought for Indian independence from the British outside of India’s
borders. This early history didn’t interest me because (for reasons that today
seem arrogant) it didn’t seem to be about me. A decade or so later, I have come
to realize that it was all about me.
I
had become a person isolated from other Indians because I had grown up without
many persons of Indian ancestry around me. When my mother pushed me to become a
medical doctor or engineer, it was because that was what she saw other Indians
doing. After I got my way and studied journalism, I started to experience the
lifelong isolation that comes with being racially, ethnically, and/or
culturally different from the mainstream. There were other Indians working in
journalism during the same time that I was. But I didn’t know many of them,
perhaps because we didn’t have a way to imagine ourselves as integrated into
the field.
Hip-hop
offers an answer to this isolation, and in that answer, I think history – the messy
kind – is key. Knowing your story within hip-hop is one thing, but knowing that
your story connects with scores of others makes it ever more powerful. Over the
past five years, I have had the opportunity to hear many early figures within
hip-hop tell their stories. I have scribbled notes furiously, seizing as many
of the gems about the early days of hip-hop that they were dropping as I could.
I wasn’t always sure why I was doing this because my research in hip-hop always
was centered on the experiences of women in Seattle, doing hip-hop in the early
twenty-first century, women born at least a decade after the first house
parties and jams took place in the Bronx. I was always interested, though, and
over the past few days, the rhyme behind the reason (I think I messed up the cliché,
but it’s okay … cliché’s deserve to be destroyed, anyway) started to become
apparent. Telling the stories was essential for the self-esteem of the younger
generation of African Americans, Latinos, and others in America today. It is a
way of showing – without directly saying – that the kids were not and would
never be alone.
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